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IRAN
AND THE WORLD IN THE SAFAVID AGE
Abstracts
Troebst, Prof. Stefan, Leipzig Centre for the History and Culture of East
Central Europe (GWZO), Leipzig, Sweden, Russia and the
Safavid Empire: A Mercantile Perspective
Among the driving forces
behind Sweden's policy of expansion and ultimately of her rise to
a Great Power in the early modern period were economic and
financial factors: the peripheral, poor, backward and sparsely
populated country tried to compensate for its weakness of
resources by controlling the main arteries of East-West trade in
order to siphon it off.
The main target of
Swedish policy of trade control was Muscovite Russia.
From the mid-sixteenth to the early eighteenth century, the
rerouting of Russian foreign trade from the Tsar's main port of
Archangel on the White Sea to Swedish ports in the Eastern Baltic
Sea was a core element in Sweden's foreign policy.
Already in the 1550s,
Stockholm realized that Persian transit trade was a constitutive
component of Russia's trade with the West.
Accordingly, Swedish policy makers developed a sustained
interest in Safavid Iran in general and in Persian trade with
Europe in particular. One of the first concrete results of this interest was
Stockholm's involvement in the 'Holstein Project' of 1632-35/41,
which resulted in the famous Brueggemann-Crusius Mission to
Isfahan.
In the first half of the
1650s, modest Swedish successes concerning the rerouting of the
Archangel trade motivated the merchants of Reval to include
Persian raw silk in their mercantile transactions.
This commodity was bought in Moscow and Novgorod, and then
exported via Sweden to Amsterdam. Parallel to this, Northwest-Russian merchants started to
export raw silk to Sweden.
Only after the
Swedish-Muscovite War of 1656-1661 and extended
Muscovite-Armenian-Safavid negotiations on transit trade during
the period 1660-1676 was Swedish interest in the Persian trade
revitalized. Between
1679 and 1687, Ludvig Fabritius undertook two mission to Isfahan
on behalf of the Swedish crown.
In negotiations with the Grand Vizier and the Armenian
merchants, Fabritius succeeded in getting his counterparts
interested in the Baltic route.
In addition, he managed to obtain the Tsar's agreement to
allow subjects of the Shah to do transit trade via Novgorod to
Narva. In return, on
23 September 1687, Charles XI of Sweden issued a grant to the
Armenian merchants of Isfahan, which gave them privileged use of
Sweden's Baltic port of Narva, including the operation of a
'Persian House'. In
1690, this grant triggered a fairly regular raw silk trade from
Iran via Russia and Narva to Amsterdam carried out by of Armenian
merchants. Occasionally,
up to 50 merchants plus staff stayed in Narva.
According to Swedish statistics, in the years 1690 to 1697,
an average of 250 bales of raw silk p. a., i. e., some four per
cent of Iran's raw silk exports, were shipped via Sweden.
From the mid-1690s on,
internal divisions among the Armenian merchants of Isfahan
resulted in the emergence of Kurland and Poland-Lithuania as
competitors for Swedish trade policy.
This caused the Swedish crown in 1697 to send Fabritius
once more to Isfahan. Shah Sultan Husain I agreed to focus Persian transit trade on
the Swedish ports in the Baltic, yet the outbreak of the Great
Northern War in the summer of 1700 brought an abrupt end to the
Narva route.
Whereas the Great
Northern War ended Sweden's status as a Great Power, another
emerging power in the region adopted the Swedish design of drawing
Iran's trade with Western Europe to the Baltic Sea: in 1708,
Brandenburg-Prussia used the Swedish grant of 1687 as the
blueprint to draw a group of Armenian merchants to Königsberg.
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