IRAN AND THE WORLD IN THE SAFAVID AGE
Abstracts 

Barendse, Dr. René, Leiden University, Institut Kern, IGEER, History Department, Leiden, The Dutch East India Company, Iran and the Arabian Seas: Some Second Thoughts

The Dutch East India Company (VOC) was far and away the most important European trading partner of Iran with sales steadily growing from 400.000 'Asian Guilders' in 1640 to 1.000.000 at the end of the seventeenth century.  The 'Persia Office' accounted for about 20% of all sales of the VOC in Asia and by 1690 surpassed Japan as the single most profitable office of the VOC.  This was import-based growth: the VOC could sell a great deal in Iran but there was no profitable product it could export from there.

The importance of the VOC to the trade of Bandar Abbas steadily increased with the decline of 'Asian' shipping to Bandar Abbas.  However, from having a virtual monopoly in the trade with Bandar Abbas around 1660, at the end of the seventeenth century the VOC was facing stiff and rapidly growing competition from the English country trade.  Parallel to this, its Indian competitors were steadily losing ground. The problem for the Safavids here was that both the English and the Dutch were not paying customs at Bandar Abbas and that, therefore, in spite of the increasing trade, the court saw its customs-income rapidly dwindle.  Furthermore, the Dutch were increasingly defrauding on internal customs too, so that the increase of Dutch trade was at best a mixed blessing: it provided jobs and cheap goods for Iranian consumers but it hardly provided the state with any income.  Thus, there were repeated tussles between the Safavid Empire and the VOC in which the state sought to curtail illegal tax-free imports, efforts, which were then branded by the Dutch as extortion.      

The basic problem for the VOC was that it could import to Bandar Abbas but that it had nothing to export, as from 1650 onward (with the rise of silk-exports from Bengal) the VOC made almost no profit on exporting Persian silk to the Netherlands.  And, in any case, this silk could not compete with silk the Armenians fetched to the Netherlands via Aleppo.

But the economic policy of the Safavids was fundamentally a variant on the bullionist theme: the administration sought to accumulate silver and gold reserves and curtail exports and its main interest was in encouraging the export of raw products and manufactured goods, rather than 'import-based growth'.  This policy was subject to several sharp reversals but basically the administration sought to restrict imports and to aggressively promote exports.

It is in this context that we should perceive the administration's attempts to constrain the VOC to buy silk from the Crown Domains at a price fixed by the court in return for freedom from customs.  Furthermore the court prohibited the VOC from exporting bullion.  This led to two wars between the VOC and the Safavid Empire.

Nevertheless, this was still very contained violence.  Though there was pressure of the 'men on the spot' to establish a permanent military presence in the Gulf, for the VOC in the seventeenth century (if not in the eighteenth), force was part of a negotiating process in which an occasional show of force was necessary.  This was no longer the case later on, proving that it was not something inherent to the VOC but rather it was because the VOC in the seventeenth century lacked local allies and a local structure for the recruitment of manpower.

  
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